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DARREN GARNER

MUCH HAS been said about Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar’s position regarding TT’s involvement in regional security matters and the current tensions involving Venezuela. Some have dismissed her stance as “far-fetched” or overly aligned with the US. However, when viewed in historical context, it becomes clear that her approach is neither new nor unreasonable – it is grounded in decades of co-operation, shared security interests, and sober assessment of present-day realities.
Our relationship with the US stretches back over 80 years. During the Second World War, under the 1940 Destroyers for Bases Agreement, the US established a naval base in Chaguaramas and constructed key infrastructure, including the highway linking Port of Spain to the base.
Around the same time, the Churchill-Roosevelt Highway was built by the British colonial government with assistance from American engineers to connect Port of Spain to the Waller Field airbase. These projects not only strengthened the Allied war effort but also laid the foundation for Trinidad’s modern road network.
Though the US presence in Chaguaramas ended in 1963, our strategic relationship never disappeared. Over the years, both nations have maintained a co-operative, though not treaty-bound, partnership. TT and the US have entered into numerous accords – from the Customs Mutual Administrative Agreement and Caribbean Basin Security Initiative to bilateral investment and aviation arrangements. These frameworks promote information-sharing, law enforcement collaboration, and maritime security – essential in combating transnational crime, narcotics, and arms trafficking across our borders.
Against that backdrop it is not surprising that the Prime Minister views security developments in Venezuela as cause for regional concern. The US has, in recent months, intensified its legal pursuit of Venezuelan officials implicated in criminal enterprises. Former Venezuelan intelligence chief Hugo “El Pollo” Carvajal pleaded guilty in a US federal court to narco-terrorism and weapons charges, while a US indictment still hangs over President Nicolás Maduro himself, with a reward of up to US$50 million offered for his arrest on drug trafficking allegations.
These are not speculative accusations; they are findings and actions of the American justice system that underscore the gravity of the situation.
TT is not immune to the ripple effects of Venezuelan instability. The emergence of the Tren de Aragua gang and its infiltration into parts of our region – so serious that it has now been formally designated a terrorist organisation under TT’s Anti-Terrorism Act – demonstrates that this is not a distant problem. It is one that directly affects our national security, border management, and social stability.
When Prime Minister Persad-Bissessar warns that any incursion into our territorial waters will be met with force, she is not echoing US rhetoric – she is asserting TT’s sovereignty and right to self-defence. Her engagement with the US on matters of surveillance, intelligence, and counter-narcotics co-operation is consistent with the long-established history of strategic partnership between our two nations. It is a pragmatic stance rooted in the protection of our people and borders.
That said, this co-operation must always be matched by balance and transparency. TT must remain firm that our territory will never serve as a staging ground for foreign military operations without full sovereign consent. Our diplomatic efforts should continue to prioritise peace, dialogue, and regional stability through Caricom, even as we strengthen our readiness to defend our own frontiers.
In truth, our current engagement with the US is neither subservience nor novelty – it is the continuation of a historical partnership shaped by shared interests, geography, and the enduring need for security in a turbulent region. The Prime Minister’s approach is not “far-fetched;” it is a rational extension of our historical trajectory and our responsibility to protect the republic.
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