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DR RITA PEMBERTON

On his return to reside in Tobago after a career in Trinidad, APT "Fargo" James swung into the political life of the island.
On previous visits to the island, he was known to intervene in wide-ranging matters which he considered unacceptable, to have them rectified. These provide the first indices of his political intent and established both his non-acceptance of administrative ineptitude and his determination to stimulate change on the island. In addition, they laid the foundation for his political platform.
The elections of 1946 provided James with the opportunity to make his mark on the politics of Tobago. James contested the elections against the incumbent George de Nobriga, Lawrence Edwards – a well-respected head teacher and political activist, Capt Robert Harrower of Canada and pharmacist George Samuel. It was a very keenly contested election but James tipped the scales and moved forward to represent Tobago in the Legislative Council of TT.
The first elections on the island was a welcome event for the people since participation in the decision-making process was traditionally the privilege of the large landowners. After emancipation, the new land owners who hoped to qualify for the vote encountered the class and colour impediments which remained firmly in place on the island and frustrated their hopes.
In addition, the peasants and farmers were not enthused with their existing representative whom they felt, failed to address their problems, particularly the contentious issue of land titles and labour conflicts.
James was well aware that his presence in the House was not a welcome development but he remained undaunted and determined to represent the island to the best of his ability. His experiences in dealing with the injustices which the working class faced in Trinidad, as a member of the Trinidad Workingmen’s Association, trade unions and a participant in the protests of 1937, and with the insensitivities of the Trinidad ruling class to the escalating social problems, prepared him for handling Tobago’s concerns in the council.
James had some advanced preparation for the task at hand. During his visits to Tobago and in the months leading up to the elections, James visited every part of the island and held discussions with farmers and peasants in their gardens, people in their homes and communities, in the village shops, parlours and rum shops where they were free to air their problems.
By the time the elections took place James had acquired sound knowledge about the state of every corner of the island, befriended most of his listeners and became a part of every community. Fargo became everybody’s friend.
The strategy he utilised in the Legislative Council was very interesting. Once in the council, James asked a number of questions which were valuable both for the responses they elicited and for their revelations about the state of Tobago. While his questions make it seem like he was seeking information, James knew very well what the answers were; but the non-confrontational approach allowed him to send a clear message, make their administrative omissions glaring and put on record the extent that Tobago was being sidelined by the administration in Trinidad.
One of the first questions he asked in the Legislative Council in 1946 was: “Is it a fact that Government may not be able for some time to have a faster more frequent steam ship service between Trinidad and Tobago?” This question was akin to a self-assessment test which the members would fail if they admitted their omissions.
James also asked the members of Council to take immediate steps to have Trinidad and Tobago linked with a first-class radio and telephone service and he also asked whether government was aware that on September 23 most of the islands in this area were linked with Trinidad by radio and telephone communications, except Tobago.
It is clear that he gave primacy to the issue of Tobago’s lack of adequate communications, and throughout his tenure in the office, he repeatedly raised questions about the state of communications in Tobago. While he felt very strongly about the matter, he diplomatically gave the members a chance to defend themselves, which they carefully avoided.
From the start to the end of his position as representative for Tobago, James relentlessly highlighted the decisions that were made concerning issues that affected Tobago’s development which he saw as intimately linked with the road network, inter-island sea communication and radio/telephone communication with the outside world.
James persisted with his line of questioning asking, “Was government aware that peasants and agricultural workers in Tobago were suffering for a number of years to obtain transfer of deed rights for lands they purchased and are still forced to pay all rates and taxes in the names of the former owner?” and “ Was this one of the reasons why the Public Works Department and the Wardens Department were unable to open up the lateral roads and crown traces so necessary to the peasants land issues?” These questions reveal the extent that post-emancipation land problems persisted in 20th century Tobago.
James continued, “What plan does government have to redress the situation where lands rented as war gardens by peasants of Tobago or under cocoa contract were being taken away?”
The response was that lands rented as war gardens have to be returned to their owners by the end of 1946 and the cocoa contracts were issued under specific terms, but it was asserted that government was making small holdings of Crown lands at low rates to all who wished to cultivate food crops. This was a piecemeal measure. Crown lands were primarily located in the hilly areas which were not favoured by farmers. The co-ordination of land grants with road access and marketing strategies which James advocated, were not given consideration and the Council showed no interest in the problems of the cocoa contractors in Tobago.
Another land problem was raised when James asked, “Is government aware that big estate owners are refusing to take rents from peasants for garden plots but have adopted the system of bartering labour?" James described this as “forced labour,” a practice that was illegal in the country. The response given was that there was only one estate involved and it was determined that the owner was guilty. When the illegality of the action was pointed out to the owner, he stopped. The fact that the guilty party happened to be the owner of Lowlands Estate and the previous representative of the island on the Legislative Council, was not considered an issue and there was no indication of an attempt to examine the factors which permitted the continuation of the post-emancipation exploitative labour regime in the mid-20th century. It is striking that there was no punishment for such an illegal activity and the expectation that it would be immediately terminated is naive.
James' questions showed the uncaring nature of the Trinidad planter-dominated Legislative Council and he very subtly indicated that the council had no system in place to achieve the development of Tobago, which he insisted was essential as will be shown in part two of this column.
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